Tag Archives: Ryan White

Trump’s War on the Poor is a War Against Us

HEAL Blog is the recipient of the ADAP Advocacy Association’s 2015-2016 ADAP Social Media Campaign of the Year Award
By: Marcus J. Hopkins, Blogger

On April 10th, current President, Donald J. Trump, fired the latest Republican salvo against the poor and social welfare programs by signing an executive order intended to force recipients of food assistance, Medicaid, and low-income housing subsidies to “get a job” or lose their benefits. A question that has yet to be answered is whether or not this edict will apply to recipients of Ryan White benefits, which provide low- or no-cost HIV medications, medical and dental treatment coverage, and other ancillary, yet vital services to an estimated 52% of people diagnosed with HIV in the United States (Health Resources and Services Administration, 2016). Those co-infected with Hepatitis C (HCV), whose cure requires treatment with some of the most expensive drugs on the market, are likely to be harmed, as well.

Make no mistake – this latest royal decr…executive order – unironically titled, “Reducing Poverty in America” – is specifically designed notto actuallypull people up out of poverty, but to force the “undeserving” off of the public dole. The order is directed at “any program that provides means-tested assistance or other assistance that provides benefits to people, households, or families that have low incomes” (Thrush, 2018). This is concerning for healthcare advocates, because the qualification for Ryan White services is predicated upon “means-tested assistance.” Essentially, how much money you make determines if you’re eligible for coverage.

Recent HCV incidence and prevalence reports indicate that an increasing number of new infectious occur in rural and suburban areas of the country, with higher rates of infection occurring in Injection Drug Users, particularly in people aged 18-45, and in areas where unemployment is high, educational achievement is lower, and access to healthcare services often faces several barriers. Essentially, HCV is prevalent among people and in places that are poor; people who often rely upon means-tested assistance to pay for healthcare.

As with virtually every Republican-initiated attempt to “reform” social services programs, this is a solution looking for a problem. Roughly 60% of working age, non-elderly Medicaid enrollees are working; plus, nearly 8 in 10 –  recipients (78%) live in families where at least one person works (Garfield, et al, 2018). The statistics are similar for recipients of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP)…  And for WIC…  And for virtually every other social safety net program.

76% of Louisiana's Medicaid expansion enrollees are working, caring for family members, or in school.

Photo Source: Louisiana Budget Project

Ryan White recipients, in particular, face an undue burden, as income requirements – particularly in more conservative states – are so low that working virtually any job will make them ineligible to receive coverage for medications that are prohibitively expensive. This will apply to both those mono-infected with HIV and co-infected with HCV.  For those receiving Medicaid, the burden will be just as high.

All of this stems from the Federal Poverty Level (FPL), a percentage of which determines eligibility for these means-tested programs. For an individual, the FPL is $12,140 per year in 2018. This means that an individual must make that amount, or less, to be considered “in poverty” in the United States. In states that expanded their Medicaid programs, most raised that qualification limit to 138% percent of the FPL ($16,753). The FPL percentage for Ryan White varies wildly from state to state.

This places potential recipients in a terrible position: At the current Federal Minimum Wage ($7.50/hour), an individual working 40 hours a week for 52 weeks will have an annual income of $15,080. If they cross this threshold by even a few hundred dollars, it makes them ineligible for the program, but still leaves them unable to afford the basic cost of living, much less any insurance premiums or medications they may have added to their monthly expenditures. Even with a second income, which would likely make them ineligible for services because they make “too much money,” the cost of living is so far removed from how the FPL is set, no person can reasonably expect to subsist off of that amount for any extended period of time in a First World country.

Adding work requirements to social programs also poses a logistical reality: simply demanding that “able-bodied” people “get jobs” doesn’t magically create jobs for there to be gotten. Nor are these requirements bolstered by any additional wraparound services, such as increased infrastructure spending to extend public transportation services out to far-flung locales, transportation assistance funds to cover the cost of fuel or low-cost public transportation passes.

The reality is that these “cost-saving” measures (ultimately designed to purge these programs of ‘undeserving’ recipients) will result in immeasurable costs that will be paid in human lives.



Disclaimer: HEAL Blogs do not necessarily reflect the views of the Community Access National Network (CANN), but rather they provide a neutral platform whereby the author serves to promote open, honest discussion about Hepatitis-related issues and updates. Please note that the content of some of the HEAL Blogs might be graphic due to the nature of the issues being addressed in it.



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The 2016 Election, and What This May Mean for Healthcare

HEAL Blog is the recipient of the ADAP Advocacy Association’s 2015-2016 ADAP Social Media Campaign of the Year Award
By: Marcus J. Hopkins, Blogger

The passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), also known as Obamacare, included a provision that gave states the option to expand Medicaid coverage in order to cover citizens whose incomes were above the Federal Poverty Level (FPL), but whose incomes still present a significant barrier to purchasing health insurance. Of the 50 United States and the District of Columbia, 32 states (including DC) have opted to expand their Medicaid programs. Nineteen states have opted not to expand access.

Expanding access to Medicaid is an essential piece of the ACA, as it was designed to help increase the number of people with access to affordable healthcare. Because the ACA envisioned low-income people receiving coverage through Medicaid, it does not provide financial assistance to people below poverty for other coverage options. As a result, in states that do not expand Medicaid, many adults fall into a ”coverage gap” of having incomes above Medicaid eligibility limits, but below the lower limit for Marketplace premium tax credits (Garfield & Damico, 2016). Since the expansion of Medicaid under the ACA, 73,137,154 Americans were enrolled in Medicaid/CHIP as of August 2016 (Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, 2016).

There are an estimated 2.6 million Americans who currently fall into that coverage gap, and of the states that did not expand Medicaid, four states represent 64% of those people (TX – 26%, FL – 18%, GA – 12%, NC – 8%). When looking at the geographic distribution of those 2.6 million Americans, 91% are in the American South (Garfield & Damico, 2016). Demographically, 46% are White non-Hispanics, 18% are Hispanic, and 31% are Black, and over half are middle-aged (age 35-54) or near elderly (55 to 64). Additionally, the majority of people in the coverage gap are in poor working families.

Donald J. Trump

Photo Source: NBC News

President-elect, Donald J. Trump, as well as the incoming Republican-led Congress and Senate, have openly stated that their first priority, at the beginning of the next legislative session, is the repeal of the ACA. There are very few comprehensive plans being proffered to replace the ACA, and healthcare professionals, providers, payers, patients, and advocates, alike, are currently unsure about the future of the expansion, and whether or not that aspect of the ACA will be retained in the forthcoming repeal.

It bodes poorly for those existing people infected with viral hepatitis, especially Hepatitis C (HCV), who stand to lose coverage if the Medicaid expansion does not survive the repeal, even with the existence of drug manufacturer and private Patient Assistance Programs (PAPs). In order for those PAPs to be accessed, however, people must first know about them; without the aid of social workers, healthcare aides, and advocates, people living with HCV are unlikely to find out about these PAPs, unless this information is provided to them by a doctor or nurse.

An additional concern exists for those recipients of the Ryan White Program. Over the past eight years, HIV/AIDS advocates and policy wonks have been in a near-constant debate about whether to reopen the Ryan White Care Act for reauthorization to address some of the ways in which the current law has not necessarily aged well, in terms of keeping up with newer treatments, costs, and funding paradigms. The concern over the past five years has been that the Republican-controlled Congress would “gut” the bill, cutting out many of the provisions upon which organizations and patients have come to rely. With repealing the ACA having played such a large role in this year’s election, concerns about reopening the act are likely to deepen, rather than abate. It is important to note that many states include HCV therapies under their AIDS Drug Assistance Program’s drug formularies.

The HEAL Blog  will pay close attention to both programs, as well as other HIV and HCV-related issues throughout 2017.



Disclaimer: HEAL Blogs do not necessarily reflect the views of the Community Access National Network (CANN), but rather they provide a neutral platform whereby the author serves to promote open, honest discussion about Hepatitis-related issues and updates. Please note that the content of some of the HEAL Blogs might be graphic due to the nature of the issues being addressed in it.

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Co-Paying the Piper

By: Marcus J. Hopkins, Blogger

One of the biggest changes for many lower income patients under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has been the transition to paying co-pays for their medical care. For patients living with HIV, this has been exceptionally difficult in states whose Ryan White Part B programs – the AIDS Drugs Assistance Programs (ADAPs) – have opted to pay for their clients’ insurance premiums, rather than simply directly paying for services as they’re administered. What this means for patients is that, where they once never had to worry about doctors’ visits or paying for medications, depending on their state of residence, they may not be responsible for paying co-pays for services.

To the average American with a stable, if thinly stretched, income, this may not seem like a big deal; but, to those of us living with HIV/AIDS on fixed or fluctuating incomes, this distinction may create an additional barrier to care that may not have existed, prior to now. It can be difficult to explain to people how, when one’s income is already low, paying $20-$30 for a visit to the doctor requires foregoing other basic necessities such as food or a utility bill put off until later; paying $100 for your HIV medications every month can mean that you no longer have enough to afford rent.

People who live without a chronic disease often fail to see the hardships presented with treating that disease. Outside of simply the cost of treatment, there are additional social and emotional issues at play. Having to rely on government assistance for any reason is frequently derided in our nation as a weakness; a moral failing that renders the recipient incapable of taking care of themselves. As such, there is often a guttural sense of shame and humiliation that accompanies having to rely on these assistance programs. It is this component that is so often left out of the conversation.

More than just the psychosocial aspect of seeking assistance, the reality is that, when a patient discovered their HIV-positive status, they are often unaware of the options that exist, in the way of coverage. Now that people with pre-existing conditions can no longer be barred from insurance coverage, many simply assume that private insurance is the only option available to them. In states where Medicaid services have not been expanded to include coverage for people living with HIV, many patients are unaware of the existence of the Ryan White or ADAP programs that are in place to provide assistance for lower income patients who cannot afford the cost of treatment.

Even with these programs in place, their assistance does not meet the Federal requirement for insurance coverage, and clients whose incomes are higher than the maximum allowed for exemption from the penalty for not having private insurance are often left to foot that bill, as well. This is one of several reasons why many ADAP programs are switching their coverage over to paying for private insurance, rather than a direct payment model.

For lower-income patients still having trouble paying for treatment, even with insurance, Patient Assistance Programs (PAPs) exist that can help to partially or totally defray the costs. These programs are, however, largely unknown to people outside of the “know,” as it were – if you don’t “know” about them, you don’t know about them, and oftentimes, you only find out about them through random word of mouth. Sadly, many ADAP programs’ employees are unaware of these programs, and aren’t able to provide adequate information about either their existence or the requirements for applying.

One such program – the Patient Access Network (PAN) Foundation – has long served this purpose for people who are underinsured living with HIV. The maximum award level is $7,500 per year. Patients may apply for a second grant during their eligibility period subject to availability of funding.

Unfortunately, funds available through this program have been depleted. As of March 14th, 2016, patients seeking assistance for HIV are being encouraged to go to the Patient Advocate Foundation (PAF) for assistance. Individuals who have been recently approved for grants through the PAN Foundation will not be affected. When needing additional assistance or to re-enroll, individuals are encouraged to check back with PAN to determine if the fund has been re-opened and/or to seek additional support through PAF.

LOGO: Patient Advocate Foundation

While the funds at PAN for HIV assistance have been exhausted for 2016, there are still funds available for patients who are mono- or co-infected with HCV at both PAN and PAF; one only needs to apply separately for assistance with that specific condition, as funds for HIV drugs do not carry over to HCV without an additional application.

Additionally, it should be made clear that these programs are not designed for the uninsured; rather, they are designed for the underinsured – those who carry some form of insurance, but for whom co-pays are unaffordable. It is also crucial to understand that these programs cover only the costs associated with drug co-pays; office visits and other non-pharmaceutical costs are not covered, and are left up to the individual and/or the Ryan White funds allocated to their clients.

For more information about PAF, and how it differs from the National Patient Advocate Foundation, please visit www.patientadvocate.org.


Disclaimer: HEAL Blogs do not necessarily reflect the views of the Community Access National Network (CANN), but rather they provide a neutral platform whereby the author serves to promote open, honest discussion about Hepatitis-related issues and updates. Please note that the content of some of the HEAL Blogs might be graphic due to the nature of the issues being addressed in it.

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Behind the Scenes at Hepatitis, Inc.

By: Marcus J. Hopkins, Blogger

The Hepatitis Appropriations Partnership (HAP) and the National Viral Hepatitis Roundtable (NVHR) hosted a panel discussion on Wednesday, July 29th, 2015, in Washington, D.C. to discuss the burgeoning Viral Hepatitis crises in the United States. The purpose of the roundtable was bring together Hepatitis advocacy groups, national organizations, drug manufacturers, and government officials to help attendees gain a better understanding of the political, medical, and social landscapes upon which the Hepatitis game is played.

If that last statement sounds glib and slightly nefarious, it should – the meeting, at times, became quite contentious, as these roundtables frequently do. Any time you put a large number of people together in one room, each of whom answer to different stakeholders, tempers tend to flare, emotions run high, and civility can take a backseat. This is the nature of the high stakes game of addressing infectious disease action plans, policies, and expenditures.

Perhaps the biggest issue that faces those attempting to address Viral Hepatitis (VH) is one of clarity – virtually every representative in the room made some argument that their biggest hurdle was the lack of comprehensive information of one sort, or another.

From the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Division of Viral Hepatitis’ perspective, the information gap centers primarily around the lack of consistent surveillance techniques, data, and reporting:

Each state collects data about Hepatitis differently…if they collect data, at all. Because the CDC has yet to specifically define how to track VH, each state has its own interpretation of how they monitor and account for the virus. Some states track acute Hepatitis, others track chronic cases, and some simply don’t track the virus at all. As a result, attempting to gain a realistic and accurate understanding of the breadth and scope of the epidemic is incalculably difficult.

From the perspective of the Centers for Medicaid and Medicare Services (CMS), the information gap centers around the cost of treatment:

What differentiates Medicaid from Medicare is that the latter is a national federal program, making it much easier to plan for the cost of treatment. Because Medicare is legally prohibited from bargaining for better drug prices, the cost of drugs is stable, across the board – it is easily quantifiable and expenditures can be accurately tracked.

Medicaid, however, does not benefit from a national infrastructure – it is 56 different programs, each of which has its own negotiated pricing agreement with pharmaceutical companies. This means that there could ostensibly be 56 different prices being paid for the same drug. This makes quantifying the cost the Medicaid on a national level much more difficult.

Complicating the process is the fact that publicly releasing the prices being paid by each Medicaid program is prohibited by law. As a direct result, Federal monitoring of drug costs must rely on antiquated pricing averages – Average Wholesale Cost (AWC), Wholesale Acquisition Cost (WAC), and National Average Drug Acquisition Cost (NADAC) – which do not accurately reflect the prices that are actually being paid.

An additional frustration for CMS is the lack of transparency on the part of pharmaceutical companies. These private entities are extremely secretive about the formulas they use to determine the price of their drugs. This lack of clarity has become a hot topic, in recent years, thanks in no small part to the high price of HCV therapies.

Participants at the meeting, when attempting to ask why releasing the actual prices being paid by Medicaid programs, were met with the argument, “Well, the pharmaceutical companies aren’t being transparent about why their drugs cost so much.”

These types of non-answers leave everyone with a bad taste in their mouths. The CMS is unhappy, because advocates and organizations keep needling them for information they cannot legally release;

Advocates are frustrated, because no one will explain why it’s illegal to release this information to the public, as Medicaid is a taxpayer-funded program, and this information should be made available without filing a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request.

Hepatitis organizations are frustrated by the lack of accountability this type of answer exemplifies. CMS’ response attempts to take the onus of responsibility and place it directly upon pharmaceutical companies, despite the argument made by pharmaceutical companies that, as private entities, they are entitled to their proprietary information. As a result, HCV organizations find themselves attempting to get specific pricing answers from both private and public entities, both of whom redirect those requests to the other.

A big issue that kept resurfacing throughout the roundtable was the lack of clarity around why the Medicaid Prior Authorization (PA) requirements are more rigorous for HCV therapies than for virtually every other disease or condition. Again, because there are 56 different Medicaid programs, each program has its own set of PA requirements, some of which have come under heightened scrutiny.

One of the more onerous requirements involves behavioral or lifestyle prerequisites in order to receive approval for treatment. According to several representatives present, some of these requirements include abstinence from alcohol consumption and/or intravenous drug use. The apparent thinking behind these restrictions is that treatment is too expensive to “waste” on clients who will simply be re-infected at a later date.

This places HCV in the unique position of being one of the only conditions for which treatment is predicated upon whether or not those infected are exhibiting certain behaviors. Perhaps the best comparison made by one of the participants was to HIV treatment – how would the conversation go if receiving treatment for HIV was predicated upon whether or not the client abstained from sexual activity?

From the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), the lack of clarity revolved around the disparity in funding levels between HIV and VH:

In a very informative set of slides, the OMB representative provided estimated infection rates – HIV – 1.17 million; VH – 3.6 million – versus the funding levels for those respective diseases. Funding for HIV far outstrips that for VH, despite the cost of a curative treatment being lower (meaning a one-time cost, for most patients, versus a lifetime expenditure for many Medicaid/Ryan White clients).

What the OMB rep also accurately pointed out is that, in the world of disease funding, every cause is very protective of the money funneled to their particular cause, and HIV advocates, in particular, are loathe to even discuss the possibility of reallocating HIV funds for us in VH initiatives.

From my own perspective, the incredulity expressed over the spending disparity between HIV and VR is somewhat misplaced. We’ve been dealing with HIV for almost 35 years, and for the first half of those years (at least), HIV was seen as a death sentence for anyone unfortunate enough to become infected. It should, therefore, come as no surprise that more funds are allocated for HIV, than for VH.

Additionally, the viruses have fundamentally different “infection-to-death” timelines, when left untreated. HCV, as an example, is a relatively slow-acting disease – as one person so aptly phrased it, “When someone is diagnosed with HCV, the narrative is, ‘They’ve got maybe another 30 years.” HIV, however, poses far greater risks to patients who go untreated, as the nature of the virus leaves its host highly susceptible to death by way of secondary infection.

This explanation, however, rarely provides a true sense of urgency and understanding to people who are not infected with HIV, not involved in the community, aren’t as educated about the virus, or who are only looking at numbers on a page. As many times in as many ways as people can explain the peril, until HIV actually has an impact upon someone, it’s very difficult to comprehend the nature of the threat.

All of these issues of clarity boil down to one significant sticking point – resources are scarce. Neither the Federal nor state governments has the money or the manpower to actively pursue a comprehensive plan of attack on VH issues.

Surveillance is bad, data is incomplete, and, realistically, that situation isn’t likely to change any time soon. Testing, reporting, and tracking all cost money – money that just isn’t there to spend.

Programs tasked with treating or paying for HCV treatments are focused more on immediate, short-term costs, rather than looking at early, fast-acting, easily tolerate curative treatment in terms of long-term savings. With Conservative austerity policies being the flavor of the week, that’s unlikely to change in the current political environment.

Those austere spending policies in place, everyone’s “piece of the pie” is what it is – if you give more money to VH, it has to come from somewhere else, and no one’s willing to forego their own dollars. And, regardless of how many people say we “…need to ask for a bigger pie,” the political reality is that we’re more likely to get a smaller pie, after the dust settles. That is unlikely to change.

It’s a sad reality to face, but the big issue is money, on every front, and no one has a clear picture of how to get more of it; moreover, without transparent pricing information, we’re unlikely to wind up with a clear strategy for how to spend what money is there.

Lest one think that I left this roundtable feeling enervated and hopeless, that’s not the case. Rather, I find myself more dedicated to continuing the course of my research efforts, and doing my best to refine them; to finding better ways to get around the CDC’s lack of clear reporting requirements in order to provide a hopefully clearer picture of the “real” state of the HCV epidemic in the U.S. For those of us who have dedicated our lives to serving the HIV community, transitioning over to HCV is a natural step, resources be damned.


Disclaimer: HEAL Blogs do not necessarily reflect the views of the Community Access National Network (CANN), but rather they provide a neutral platform whereby the author serves to promote open, honest discussion about Hepatitis-related issues and updates. Please note that the content of some of the HEAL Blogs might be graphic due to the nature of the issues being addressed in it.

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Footing the Bill

By Marcus J. Hopkins, Blogger

As a society we need a way of determining what is a reasonable price at the time of introduction of a new drug,” said Stephen Schondelmeyer, a University of Minnesota professor who specializes in pharmaceutical economics. “We have expanded coverage, but we haven’t done anything to control costs on the pricing side.” (Alonso-Zaldivar, 2015)

Truer words are rarely spoken in the world of healthcare coverage. In a time of unprecedented increases in “covered” Americans, the promised “savings” haven’t really materialized, either for payers or for consumers. Rather, the spending on specialty medications has increased so exponentially that both private and public payers are finding themselves faced with difficult choices, when it comes to what coverage can be offered for the amount that consumers pay.

For private insurers, the answers are simple: increase premiums, expand and strengthen prior authorization criteria to restrict access, and place the drugs in the highest available tiers with the highest drug co-pays. For public insurance programs, such as Medicaid, Medicare, and the AIDS Drug Assistance Program (ADAP), the solution is not so clear cut.

For Medicare, specifically, Federal law currently prohibits the program from negotiating with drug manufacturers for lower prices. As recently as February 2015, the Obama Administration requested authority to negotiate prices for Medicare, in large part because of the price of high-cost specialty drugs, such as Sovaldi (Gilead), Olysio (Janssen), Harvoni (Gilead), and Viekira Pak (AbbVie) (Morgan, 2015).

LOGO: Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services

Photo Credit: Medicare Learning Network

Both Medicaid and Ryan White programs can negotiate for drug prices, but even still, those negotiations are largely kept secret, and the true cost is rarely shared with the public. For that reason, we rely on two measures to express the cost of drugs on the American market: the Wholesale Acquisition Cost (WAC) and the Average Wholesale Price (AWP). Even with those standards in place, nobody actually pays those costs, due to various rebates, negotiations, and other pricing schemes, all of which is available only if you all but threaten them with the comfort of a nice set of thumbscrews.

In fact, getting actual pricing information based on what payers actually pay, often involves Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests from government agencies, and threats of lawsuits to get the same information from private insurers. Much of the problem is that no one really wants to show their hand, especially when it comes to the prices that they pay for specialty drugs, because doing so might disrupt some balance of the space-time continuum, creating a paradox, and the entire healthcare system would collapse.

…or maybe, something not quite so dramatic.

It’s likely because openly stating how much everyone is paying for drugs would result in one of two outcomes:

  • Each payer would be able to compare and contrast what they were paying for various drugs, and would thereby be able start a “race to the bottom,” creating a low-bidding war. In addition, the public would be able to see how well payers were bargaining in their own best interests, rather than consumers. In this case, both insurers and drug companies would be on the losing end of the battle, and it behooves them to keep information about payment schemes private.
  • It would be revealed to both the public and the payers exactly how much of the cost drug companies are willing to eat (through rebates and other scenes) just to get their drugs on the market, thus revealing that the whole pricing model companies use to determine drug prices is a farce. In this case, drug companies would be on the losing end, primarily, because they would finally have to publicly justify in quantifiable terms the costs of their medications.

In truth, either scenario could be nothing but a net “win” for consumers. So long as the American healthcare system continues to subsist in an insurance-based market, the only real weapon consumers have against being price gouged is open, honest, and accurate pricing information – a clear explanation of how drug prices are decided, a clear explanation of what each payer is actually paying, and how much drug companies are willing to forego in order to sell more of their drugs.

Without this information being made public, how can there really be a “free market?” How can consumers make a truly informed choice if this information is kept secret? That really is the crux to dismantling the insurance scam – making everyone reveal what they’re actually paying for drugs and services.

What Dr. Schondelmeyer asserted in the opening quote of this piece is absolutely correct: the Affordable Care Act has done a great job of forcing getting people into the health insurance market, but has done very little to deliver the “savings” it promised. We’re still paying more than virtually every other economic superpower for our healthcare, and still achieving subpar results.

Now, private insurers are arguing that the cost of covering these people has become so burdensome [to their profits and bottom lines] that they need to increase premiums by up to 40%. We have effectively handed over clients to private entities without ensuring that people will be able to pay their prices, leaving the “Affordable” part of the law’s title hanging in the wind.

For how much longer can our insurance-based healthcare system continue to operate without imploding upon itself? For how much longer will consumers continue to allow drug and service pricing scams to continue, before determining that there is a better way? Sadly, I don’t think there’s enough interest on the part of Americans to do anything about it…until they’re forced to foot the bill, themselves.



Disclaimer: HEAL Blogs do not necessarily reflect the views of the Community Access National Network (CANN), but rather they provide a neutral platform whereby the author serves to promote open, honest discussion about Hepatitis-related issues and updates. Please note that the content of some of the HEAL Blogs might be graphic due to the nature of the issues being addressed in it.

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